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Good practice Imported

Iceland's National Shorter Working Week Trials — From Pilot to a 36-Hour Norm

Iceland · Reykjavík · See the Iceland profile · See the Reykjavík profile

Evidence: Observational / pre–post Top 19% 81/100 · Ask Evidence Copilot about this practice

Iceland's 2015–2019 public-sector trials cut hours from 40 to 35–36/week for 2,500 workers (>1% of the workforce) at full pay; productivity held or improved, and by 2021 renegotiated union contracts had extended shorter hours or the right to them to 86% of the workforce.

2,500 public-sector workers (>1% of Iceland's workforce)
Workers covered by the trials (2015-2019)
40 to 35-36 hours/week, at full pay
Weekly hours reduced from/to (2015-2019)
86%
Workforce with shorter hours or the right to request them (2021)
62%
Workers reporting greater schedule satisfaction (2021-22 follow-up survey)
97%
Workers saying work-life balance was as easy or easier (2021-22 follow-up survey)
42%
Workers reporting reduced private-life stress (vs. 6% reporting more) (2021-22 follow-up survey)
Iceland's National Shorter Working Week Trials — From Pilot to a 36-Hour Norm

Details

Maturity
Established
Promoter
Government of Iceland & Reykjavík City Council, evaluated by Alda (Association for Sustainable Democracy) and Autonomy
Period
2015–2021
Region (NUTS)
IS0
Keywords
Working-time reduction, public-sector HR policy, worker wellbeing and retention

Context

Between 2015 and 2019, Iceland's national government and the Reykjavík City Council ran a set of workplace trials testing a shorter working week without a pay cut. Roughly 2,500 public-sector workers — more than 1% of Iceland's entire workforce — moved from a standard 40-hour week to 35–36 hours, across settings ranging from municipal offices to hospitals and social-service providers.

Objectives

To test whether reducing working hours at full pay could maintain productivity and service provision while improving worker wellbeing.

Activities

The trials were independently evaluated by Alda, the Reykjavík-based Association for Sustainable Democracy, together with the UK think tank Autonomy, comparing productivity and service provision across participating workplaces and later running a 2021–22 follow-up survey of workers.

Results

The evaluation found that productivity and service provision stayed the same or improved across most participating workplaces, while workers reported meaningfully better work-life balance, lower stress and fewer sick days. The 2021–22 follow-up survey found 62% of workers reporting greater schedule satisfaction, 97% saying it was as easy or easier to balance work and private life, and 42% reporting reduced private-life stress against just 6% reporting more. Building on the trial results, Icelandic trade unions renegotiated national contracts, and by 2021 an estimated 86% of Iceland's workforce had either moved to permanently shorter hours or gained the contractual right to request them, with the general standard settling at 36 hours.

Conclusions

The trials are public-sector in origin, so how directly the results transfer to private employers competing on cost is not fully settled by this evidence. Iceland's subsequent economic performance (5% GDP growth in 2023) is offered by commentators as supportive context rather than proof that shorter hours caused it. What is well documented is the scale, duration and structural follow-through — a rare case of a working-time pilot converting into a near-universal, permanent labour-market norm.

Implementation

Indicative cost
Medium (€50k–€500k)
Time to results
Long (> 3 years) — Trials ran 2015-2019; a follow-up worker survey ran 2021-22; trade-union contract renegotiation extended shorter hours or the right to request them to an estimated 86% of the workforce by 2021.
Staffing & skills
Public-sector workplaces across municipal offices, hospitals and social-service providers, Independent evaluation carried out by Alda (Association for Sustainable Democracy) and Autonomy

Conditions for success

  • Full pay maintained throughout the hours reduction
  • Independent, third-party evaluation of productivity and service levels
  • Trade union engagement used to lock in gains via renegotiated national contracts after the trial

Common failure modes

  • Evidence base is public-sector-led; private-sector transferability, where cost competition is a bigger factor, is not separately evidenced

Commonly funded by

National / regional programmes

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Data sources

Where this practice's information was retrieved from, and when.

Attachments

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